Gaza Disarmament Deal Tracker: The Board of Peace Roadmap, the 14-Day Clock, and Where It Stands

* Update (August 29, 2026): the test of Mladenov's Security Council speech arrived within forty-eight hours of him giving it. On August 27 and 28, 2026 the IDF struck Gaza City twice, killing Ibrahim Nabil Ibrahim Bass — a Hamas commander the military says took part in the October 7, 2023 attack — in the Shati camp, and Hamdi Ahmad Hamid Kahlil, described as an Islamic Jihad surveillance platoon commander, in Sabra. The IDF said the strikes "were carried out to remove the threat" from operatives "systematically violating the ceasefire." Palestinian media reported an additional death in Gaza City that the IDF said it was investigating, and the military denied separate reports of three deaths near Khan Younis (Times of Israel, August 28, 2026). Read that against August 26: "Will another strike on a munitions depot stop Hamas from rearming or tightening its grip on Gaza? It will not."

The more consequential detail is who is being ignored. The United States — the party that built the Board of Peace, chairs it, and is supplying the general meant to verify the disarmament — has been pressing Israel to stop these operations precisely because they cut against the plan it is trying to land. Israeli officials answered that they will keep pursuing October 7 perpetrators anyway. That is not a technical dispute about targeting; it is the mediator asking and being told no, on the record, while the International Stabilisation Force is still "preparing for deployment." Hamas's stated position throughout has been that it implements nothing unless Israel meets its own obligations, so every strike that lands during the roadmap phase hands the slower party a reason it did not have to invent.

Where things stand (August 27, 2026): the roadmap got its most authoritative endorsement yet and its most authoritative complaint, from the same man on the same afternoon. Nickolay Mladenov, the Board of Peace's High Representative for Gaza, told the UN Security Council on August 26, 2026 that Hamas and the other armed factions had agreed — for the first time — to surrender their weapons and hand full civilian and security authority to a UN-recognised transitional administration (Times of Israel, The National and Arab News, August 26, 2026). Stated at the Security Council, that is the strongest on-the-record account of Hamas's commitment anyone from the mediating side has given.

The mechanism he laid out is worth reading against the record. Weapons come out of factional control, go into the custody of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, and are rendered unusable under international supervision, with the International Stabilisation Force supporting verification under US Maj Gen Jasper Jeffers. Two things to log. First, "rendered unusable" is a harder standard than the "decommission and store" language Haaretz reported on August 11 had survived the final text — the same gap between destruction and storage this tracker flagged then, now described from the podium in the stronger direction. Nobody has published the operative clause, so the discrepancy stays open. Second, the ISF is still "preparing for deployment." The force that is supposed to verify the disarmament is not in Gaza.

What lifts this above a progress report is that Mladenov used the Council to criticise both parties by name. To Israel: "Winter is around the corner, and Israel's present policy on quality shelter is not acceptable," with a request to allow better shelter in "for dignity, for health, and for safety" — the majority of Gaza's two million people are still living in tents. On the military logic: "Will another strike on a munitions depot stop Hamas from rearming or tightening its grip on Gaza? It will not." To Hamas: "Hamas has committed to cease all military activities. That commitment is still to be met in full," with continued weapons activity and tunnel work setting the process back (Times of Israel, August 26, 2026). The body chaired for life by Donald Trump is now publicly telling the Israeli government that its shelter policy is unacceptable and its strikes do not work.

Then the warning: "If the ceasefire collapses and the Strip spirals into another full escalation, there will be no roadmap to return to. It would be a point of no return for everyone." He paired it with the least reassuring good news available — the ceasefire holds, casualties have fallen sharply, "but they have not stopped" (The National, August 26, 2026).

Israel's response at the same session tells you exactly how much has moved. Deputy envoy Jonathan Miller said Israel is committed to Trump's plan, but "the plan cannot succeed while Hamas remains armed. Disarmament must come first" (The National, August 26, 2026). Set that beside Netanyahu on August 9 — "the Israeli army will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is genuinely disarmed" — and beside his office on August 17, insisting disarmament be "completed before any reconstruction happens." The Egypt meeting, the four hours in Jerusalem, the two working groups and now a Security Council briefing have produced no change whatsoever in the sentence that is blocking the deal. What has changed is the venue. The sequencing fight started in a cabinet room, moved to a readout, and is now in the Security Council minutes — which is what a stalemate looks like when it gets promoted rather than resolved.

Where things stand (August 17, 2026): the delegation landed, and the deal came back with an org chart. Kushner, Mladenov and Blair sat with a Hamas delegation led by Khalil al-Hayya in Egypt on August 16 for more than two hours, then spent four hours with Netanyahu in Jerusalem on August 17 (Al Jazeera and The Times of Israel, August 17, 2026). What was announced afterwards was not an Israeli acceptance of the 15-point roadmap. It was two working groups: one on disarmament and demilitarisation, one on sanitation and public health.

Read the Prime Minister's Office wording, because it re-states the Israeli position rather than compromising on it: disarmament must be "prompt and completed before any reconstruction happens." A senior Israeli official added that the premier was "very clear that the IDF won't redeploy and will continue to actively thwart any effort against our forces and against our people" (The Times of Israel, August 17, 2026). That is the same sequencing Netanyahu set out on August 9 — disarmament first, withdrawal later — and it is the precise point the roadmap does not say. Nothing in the August 17 readout moved it.

The one genuinely new thing is a clock, and it belongs to the American side rather than the document. Kushner predicted possible progress on weapons handover within 30 days and tunnel-filling within 60 to 90 days (The Times of Israel, August 17, 2026). Compare that with the roadmap's own 14-day clock, which expired around August 13 with no consequence. A prediction by an envoy is not a deadline in a text, and the last deadline in a text turned out not to be one either. Also worth logging from the same readout: Netanyahu told Kushner that progress on the framework is politically awkward before Israel's October election — which places the deal's calendar inside somebody's campaign schedule.

On the Hamas side the framing was about enforcement, not concessions. Spokesperson Hazem Qassem said the Egypt talks were about "placing mediators and the Board of Peace in full view of Israeli violations" (Al Jazeera, August 17, 2026). Both parties, in other words, spent this week explaining themselves to the mediators. Neither signed anything.

Where things stand (August 14, 2026): the diplomacy has escalated to a house call. Al Jazeera reported on August 14, 2026 that Jared Kushner, Board of Peace director general Nickolay Mladenov and executive committee member Tony Blair will visit Israel and Egypt next week — Israel to press Netanyahu on the roadmap he rejected on August 9, Egypt to keep the mediators aligned. An official source told The National the same day that the visiting delegation's framing is that Washington and Israel "agree on the end state, which is a demilitarised Hamas," and that the trip is to "hear the concerns that have been raised and talk about next steps."

Read that sentence carefully, because it concedes the argument. Agreeing on the end state is exactly what nobody has ever disputed. The fight is over sequence — whether withdrawal is phased alongside decommissioning, as the 15-point text says, or comes only after complete disarmament, as Netanyahu demanded on August 9 and Israel's government has demanded since August 2. Framing a sequencing dispute as an agreement about the destination is how a stalled deal gets described as progress.

Meanwhile the 14-day clock, the one piece of the roadmap with a hard number attached, expired around August 13, 2026. There was no withdrawal beyond the Yellow Line, no verified decommissioning, and no Israeli signature. There was also no consequence: the roadmap attached no penalty to the deadline, so its expiry produced a news cycle and nothing else. A deadline that costs nothing to miss is a press release with a date on it.

The killing did not pause for the diplomacy. Al Jazeera's August 14, 2026 figures put the death toll at 73,389 Palestinians killed in Gaza since October 2023 and 1,260 killed since the October 2025 ceasefire — a ceasefire now in its tenth month of producing casualties. In the occupied West Bank, where no roadmap applies at all, 76 Palestinians have been killed so far in 2026, 18 of them children. Where things stand (August 12, 2026): the argument has quietly moved from *when* Hamas disarms to *what disarming means*. Haaretz reported on August 11, 2026, citing sources familiar with the talks, that clauses explicitly barring Hamas from possessing weapons were dropped from the final text during months of revisions, leaving an obligation to "decommission and store" heavy weapons overseen by US-backed Palestinian technocrats. Storage is not destruction, and the distinction is the entire fight: a weapon in a monitored warehouse is a weapon that exists, with a custodian, a key and a future argument about both. We flag it with the caveat it deserves — one outlet, unnamed sources, no on-the-record confirmation from the Board of Peace, Hamas or the Israeli government, and an earlier version of the same document already published in full by The Times of Israel. If it is accurate, the 14-day clock expiring around August 13 lands on a text that is weaker on the precise point Netanyahu cited when he rejected it on August 9.

Where things stand (August 4, 2026): the two parties to the roadmap have each announced that the other side goes first. On Tuesday, August 4, 2026, Netanyahu said Israel will not withdraw from its current lines in Gaza until Hamas has been completely disarmed, and pushed back on the deal Trump announced five days earlier. His account of how it reached him is the striking part: the Trump administration "sent us a draft. We did not agree. It is not our draft" (AP, August 4, 2026). Israeli forces, he said, will continue to do "whatever is necessary to protect themselves, our territory, and our citizens."

That is a direct reversal of the roadmap's sequencing. As announced, Hamas begins decommissioning weapons while Israel halts strikes and begins withdrawing from the roughly 60% of Gaza it currently controls, each stage certified by the International Verification Committee before the next begins. Netanyahu's position is that disarmament comes first and withdrawal follows. Hamas negotiator Ghazi Hamad had already said the group would not begin disarming until Israel ends military operations, increases humanitarian deliveries and withdraws completely. Both sides have now placed their own precondition ahead of the same first step.

The procedural detail explains a lot. The draft was produced in negotiations between Hamas, the Board of Peace and the mediating states - Egypt, Qatar, Turkiye and the United States - and was not a document Israel was invited to renegotiate (AP, August 4, 2026). A deal announced from a podium in Washington and then publicly disowned by the government whose army has to execute half of it is not yet an agreement; it is a proposal with a press release. The 14-day implementation clock, which would fall around August 13, 2026 if it started with the July 30 announcement, is running against that backdrop.

This page tracks the Gaza disarmament roadmap announced by the Board of Peace at the end of July 2026 - what the deal actually says, which deadlines are real, and what has and has not happened since. We update it as steps are met or missed; the "Updated" date at the top tells you how fresh it is.

What was announced. Late on Thursday, July 30, 2026, Trump said the Board of Peace had reached an agreement on the disarmament of Hamas. The full roadmap was published the following day. Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, Turkiye and the United States negotiated it, and it is framed as the next phase of the existing ceasefire rather than a new agreement replacing it. Trump called it "a critical step towards Gaza finally being governed by a new Palestinian government" (Al Jazeera, July 31, 2026).

Who is running it. The Board of Peace is a US-led body chaired for life by Trump. Its founding executive board has seven members, led by former British prime minister Tony Blair and including Jared Kushner, Marco Rubio, Steve Witkoff and Ajay Banga. Verification sits with a separate International Verification Committee, which certifies compliance before the next phase can begin and monitors alleged violations. Physical enforcement sits with the International Stabilization Force, a multinational force of about 5,000 troops overseen by an American general (Al Jazeera).

What the roadmap says, in order. The document is organised as principles followed by security provisions:

- Points 1-2 reaffirm commitment to the Trump Gaza plan and UN Security Council Resolution 2803, and require both parties to complete their remaining commitments "without delay." - Point 3 makes progression to the next phase contingent on verified completion of the previous one, with the International Verification Committee monitoring violations. - Point 4 has Hamas agreeing that governance and security functions transfer to the NCAG, the new Palestinian committee administering Gaza. - Point 5 requires the NCAG to maintain institutions and commission a comprehensive audit of finances, with a maximum commitment assessed at $400 million over three years. - Point 6 sets the governing security principle: "One Authority, One Law, One Weapon." - Point 7 covers police vetting - officers who fail the standards are offered civilian roles or retirement rather than dismissal. - Point 8 states that decommissioning of heavy weapons begins after completion of the Sharm el-Sheikh Protocol. - Point 9 places personal weapons under Palestinian law, with the NCAG as the sole registration authority. - Point 10 puts militia weapons into storage under NCAG authority and excludes their holders from the security services. - Point 11 requires a Social Peace Agreement obliging factions to "immediately end internal violence, avoid reprisals."

(Full text as published by The National, July 31, 2026.)

The deadlines that matter. Two 14-day clocks start on approval: one for the implementation timetable and mechanisms, one for the completed weapons-decommissioning timetable. Both can be extended, but only with the agreement of the International Verification Committee and the parties - so an extension is itself a visible event, not a quiet slip. Financial commitments are phased over three years. Al Jazeera reported analyst estimates of 200 to 300 days for full demilitarisation, which places the end of the process well past Israel’s general election in October 2026.

The asymmetry worth watching. Read the two sides of the deal next to each other. The Hamas obligations are dated, itemised and verifiable: an inventory, a timetable, heavy weapons first, tunnels, storage under a named authority. The Israeli obligation - withdrawal - is described as phased and consistent with the earlier plan, sequenced against verified progress on the other side. That is a familiar structure in negotiated disarmament, and it is also the structure that most often stalls, because one party’s compliance is measured in signed inventories and the other’s is measured in maps.

What has not happened. As of August 2, 2026, Israel has not publicly confirmed that it accepts the roadmap; Al Jazeera reported it had not commented on the agreement. Hamas, for its part, has attached an explicit condition: official Ghazi Hamad said Hamas "will not implement any step of the Gaza peace deal if the Israeli occupation forces do not fulfil their obligations." An agreement announced by mediators is not the same thing as an agreement both belligerents have endorsed in public, and until that changes, the 14-day clock is running on a document one party has not backed out loud.

Update - August 3, 2026: the sequencing fight, out loud. Israel still has not publicly endorsed the roadmap, but it has now put a position on the order of operations on the record. Doron Spielman, a spokesperson for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said Israel would not withdraw its forces before Hamas had fully surrendered its weapons. Energy Minister Eli Cohen said there was no agreement requiring Israel to suspend its attacks while negotiations continued (Al Jazeera, August 2, 2026). That is the asymmetry described above, stated plainly: full disarmament first, withdrawal after - against a roadmap text in which the two are supposed to advance in verified phases, each unlocking the next.

Meanwhile the strikes have not stopped. Al Jazeera reported 19 Palestinians killed on Sunday, August 2, 2026, and at least eight the day before, in the window between the announcement of the deal and the mid-August deadline it set. Since the October 2025 ceasefire mediated by Qatar, Egypt and the United States, at least 1,222 Palestinians have been killed and 4,053 injured. Hamas accused Israel of "intensifying its attacks on Gaza to obstruct understandings reached with mediators and Washington." Nickolay Mladenov, for the Board of Peace, said mediators were working "around the clock" to reduce tensions.

So, roughly ten days out from the timetable deadline: no public Israeli endorsement, a public Israeli sequencing demand that runs ahead of what the text says, continuing casualties, and the mediators describing their own work as tension reduction rather than implementation. None of that voids the roadmap. It does tell you which of the two clocks - the paper one and the one on the ground - is actually running.

Update - August 4, 2026: the mediators pick a side of the sequencing argument. Yesterday the full-disarmament-first demand was Israel's position. Today it is the Board of Peace's. In a statement reported by Al Jazeera on August 4, 2026, the Board said that "withdrawal of the [Israeli military] beyond the Yellow Line will take place only once decommissioning is complete," and that "the goal is clear and is not in question: the complete decommissioning of weapons in the Strip."

Read that against point 3 of the roadmap, summarised above: progression to each next phase is contingent on verified completion of the previous one, with withdrawal phased against verified decommissioning progress. "Phased against progress" and "only once complete" are not the same instruction. The first gives Hamas something to receive at each step; the second gives it nothing until the last one. The body that wrote the roadmap has now restated it in the stricter form.

Hamas has not moved. Its position remains that the deal "will not be implemented unless Israel implements its part of the agreement" - which, under the sequence the Board has now endorsed, is a condition that cannot be met until after Hamas has already disarmed. That is the deadlock in one sentence, and it is nine days from the August 13 timetable deadline.

The other problem is on the Israeli side of the table. Board of Peace director-general Nickolay Mladenov met Netanyahu on August 4, 2026, while Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich publicly said the agreement was "completely different" to what the Israeli government had approved. A deal that one coalition partner says is not the deal their cabinet signed off on has an endorsement problem regardless of what Hamas does.

And the numbers underneath all of this keep moving. Al Jazeera reports more than 73,000 Palestinians killed since October 2023, more than 1,200 of them since the October 2025 ceasefire, and at least 36 since the disarmament deal was announced on July 30. Every one of those figures accumulated while the process described on this page was formally "in effect."

What we will be updating here: whether the implementation and decommissioning timetables appear by the mid-August deadline or get formally extended; whether Israel states a public position; whether heavy-weapons decommissioning actually begins and the International Verification Committee certifies it; each phase of Israeli withdrawal; and the standing up of the NCAG, the Social Peace Agreement and the International Stabilization Force deployment.

Update - August 9, 2026: Israel says no, on the record.

For a week this page has described a deal that one of the two governments required to execute it had never publicly endorsed. That ended on Sunday, August 9, 2026. At his weekly cabinet meeting Netanyahu said plainly that "Israel rejects the 15-point document," that "the Israeli army will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is genuinely disarmed," and that what he means by disarmament is total: heavy weapons, lighter weapons, all weapons - "real disarmament, not fictitious disarmament" (Al Jazeera, August 9, 2026; NBC News, August 9, 2026).

The sequence of the last ten days is the story. July 30: Trump announces the agreement from Washington and calls it historic. August 2-4: Netanyahu's office demands full disarmament before any withdrawal, and the Board of Peace - the body that wrote the roadmap - restates its own text in exactly that stricter form, "only once decommissioning is complete." August 9: Israel rejects the document anyway.

That is worth sitting with, because it settles a question the coverage kept leaving open. The August 4 restatement was widely read as the mediators meeting Israel where it stood. Five days later Israel did not sign. A concession that does not produce agreement was not a negotiation being closed; it was a position being moved.

Hamas, for its part, did not use the opening to walk. In a Telegram statement issued hours after the cabinet meeting, it said it remains committed to fully implementing the plan (Al Jazeera, August 9, 2026), while keeping the condition it has stated since July 31 - that any handover of weapons follows a halt to Israeli strikes and a withdrawal. So the public positions have now inverted from the way this story is usually framed: the party asked to disarm says it is still in, and the party asked to withdraw says the document is not one it accepts.

The timing is not incidental, and the analysts quoted by Al Jazeera said so out loud. Former Israeli diplomat Alon Pinkas argued that Netanyahu treated the rejection as risk-free ahead of Israel's October 27, 2026 election; former AP bureau chief Dan Perry argued the position sits at odds with what Israeli voters say they want. Read alongside the 200-300 day demilitarisation estimate already on this page, both the deal and its rejection are now scheduled around a ballot rather than a battlefield.

Which leaves the deadline. The roadmap gives the parties 14 days from approval to produce an implementation timetable and a completed decommissioning timetable - around August 13, 2026 counting from the July 30 announcement. It can be extended, but only by agreement of the International Verification Committee and the parties. Four days out, one party has publicly rejected the document the timetable is supposed to implement. An extension now would not be a delay in the process; it would be the process admitting it never started.

And the count continues underneath all of it: more than 73,300 Palestinians killed since October 2023, more than 1,200 of them since the October 2025 ceasefire took effect, per the Gaza Health Ministry, with one more killed on August 10, 2026 as another body was pulled from rubble (Al Jazeera).